Russia, step by step towards destruction

It is well known that Trotsky was a great revolutionary during the Russian October Revolution, and during the Soviet Civil War he was the commander-in-chief of the Red Army, the founder of the Red Army of the Soviet Union, which later became a world-beater – in our mainstream official parlance, Trotsky was a proletarian revolutionary, politician, military man, theoretician, and The main founder of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army……

What many people do not know is that Trotsky was also a great writer and historian.

Trotsky was born into a wealthy Jewish serf-owning family, so he grew up well fed and clothed, and had a good artistic training. Yet he was always sympathetic to the peasants and workers and chose to use revolutionary means to overthrow the Tsarist dictatorship.

In 1905, Trotsky was arrested again during the Russian Revolution, and in 1906, while in prison in Petersburg, he wrote “Summary and Prospects”, which presented the theoretical basis of his life’s activities, “The Theory of Constant Revolution”, whose descriptions of the social conditions in Russia at that time still make you feel as if you were there.

Just a few weeks after the October Revolution, Trotsky wrote his first article describing and analyzing the events of 1917, and in the following years he continued to write articles providing historical interpretations of the events in which he had taken part personally.

While creating the Red Empire with Lenin and Stalin, Trotsky was, on the one hand, a history-making revolutionary with a constant passion for revolution, and, on the other hand, a writer and historian who sought to describe the revolutionary process and grasp its meaning.

More importantly, Trotsky’s scenes, portraits and dialogues have been verified in many ways to be true and objective, and not the subjective wishes of the author himself.

It is right to say that Trotsky and Churchill have similarities. These two figures, on top of each other’s opposing poles, are equally a blend of realism and romanticism, equally vital, equally prescient and ahead of their class and circumstances, equally creative and motivated to write history.

Recently, I read on the Internet an article by Leon Trotsky on Tsarist Russia during the First World War, from chapter 2 of Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution, “Tsarist Russia in the Time of War”.

Since the article as a whole is too long, I will excerpt some important passages to show you Trotsky’s beautiful writing, vivid narration, rigorous logic, and amazing insight and foresight.

The army is an instrument of war.

Since every army, in the nationalist saga, is seen as invincible, the Russian ruling class, too, had no reason to treat the tsar’s army as an exception.

But in fact, this army was shown to be a formidable force only when fighting against semi-barbaric peoples, weak neighbors, and countries in a state of division.

On the European stage, it could play the role of a mere member of the League. In defense, it could perform its tasks only when the territory was vast, the population sparse and the roads poor.

Industry and transportation (in Russia) often showed signs of collapse in the face of concentrated wartime needs. As if by fate, on the first day of the war, the Russian army soon experienced a shortage of weapons and ammunition and a lack of long boots. During the Russo-Japanese War, the Tsarist army had already revealed what kind of state it was in. However, during the counter-revolutionary period, the autocratic dynasty, with the assistance of the Duma, enriched its munitions stockpile and patched up the army’s vulnerabilities, among other things, to make up for its invincible reputation.

In 1914, a new and much more severe test finally came.

The first days of the war were the beginning of disgrace. After a series of local disasters, suddenly in the spring of 1915 Russia was defeated on all fronts. The generals took out their criminal incompetence on the peaceful population, the vast territory was violently ravaged, the unseen crowds were driven to the rear with whips, and the foreign war debacle was further aggravated by the chaos at home.

When it comes to Russia’s victory over Austria-Hungary, it was actually based on the fact that Austria-Hungary had more reasons than Russia, and the Habsburgs, who were on the verge of collapse, had long raised the need for gravediggers, so there was no need to ask much of them. Russia had also achieved victories in the past against countries that were in a state of internal disintegration, such as Turkey, Poland or Persia.

In the living rooms and front command in Petrograd, the popular joke was a fairy tale: “Britain vowed to hold out until the last drop of blood of …… Russian soldiers were shed.” Such jokes spread among the lower classes, and also to the front.

All for the war! Government ministers, Duma deputies, generals of the three armies, and journalists shouted this.

“Right,” the soldiers mused in the trenches, “they are still ready to fight until the last drop …… of my blood is shed.”

For the first few months, soldiers died under the shells before they had time to think much or think little. But there they were, day after day, accumulating the painful experiences brought below them by the absence of good command. They measured the extent to which the generals were in disarray based on the number of aimless movements and the number of unpalatable meals that could not keep pace with the fighting.

The broad political outlook did not draw attention away from the heavy tasks of the times, and the astronomical billions of wealth that flowed from the special sessions, like water from a central reservoir, fed the industrial sector in a steady stream through a branch channel, as well as countless insatiable appetites through the same path.

In 1915-1916 the profits of certain military industrial sectors were publicized through the press of the State Duma: the company of the liberal textile factory owner Riyapshinsky in Moscow received 75% of the net profit, and the Tier textile factory even 110%; the profits of the copper rolling factory in the name of Kolichkin, which had a fixed capital of only 10 million rubles, exceeded 12 million rubles.

In this part of the economic component the virtue of patriotism was generously and promptly rewarded.

The royal governess Verubova mentioned that in no season were so many expensive clothes made to order and so many diamonds sold as in the winter of 1915-1916. The places for night activities were about to be crowded with heroes from the rear, legal draft dodgers and the big shots who counted.

They were too old for the front line, but they were still young for the pleasures of life. In the year of disaster, the Archdukes were not the last to attend the feast. No one cared to throw a lot of money. A continuous rain of gold fell from the sky.

The high society stretched out their arms and money bags, while the noble ladies lifted their skirts high. All of them – bankers, quartermasters, industrialists, ballerinas of the tsars and grand dukes, Orthodox bishops, court ladies, liberal representatives, officers from the front and the rear, radical lawyers, aristocratic hypocrites of both sexes, and their numerous nieces and nephews, especially nieces and nephews, all stepped on the blood and crackled.

Everyone was reaching out to plunder, gorging themselves on food and drink, fearing that the rains from heaven would stop falling, and all angrily rebuked the shameful idea of achieving peace prematurely.

The common interests, the defeat in the foreign war, and the crisis at home drove the various parties of the proletariat closer to each other. The Duma, already divided on the eve of the war, formed a patriotic opposition majority in 1915 called the Progressive Alliance. The official purpose of the League was, as it declared, “to meet the needs arising from the war.”

“It is a well-known absurdity that the government has not won for itself any confidence, neither in the supreme power holders nor in the army, neither in the cities nor in the local self-government federations, neither in the aristocracy nor in the businessmen and workers – that it is not only unable to do its work properly, but that it can hardly survive. Phenomenon

Duke Shcherbatov, in August 1915, used these words about the government of the time, in which he, himself, served as Minister of the Interior.

What would the establishment of a responsible cabinet bring under such conditions?

“Nothing less than the complete and total destruction of the right-wing parties and the gradual annexation of middle party figures, such as the Center Party, the liberal conservatives, the Octoberists, and the progressives in the Constitutional Democratic Party who might initially play a major role. But the same fate would threaten the Constitutional Democrats……

And then what Then the revolutionary hooligans come out, establish a commune, overthrow the monarchy, ravage the proletariat, and eventually a grand old tyrant will emerge.”

Liberalism made a last-ditch effort to salvage the situation. On December 9, the Urban League made the most decisive resolution of all: “Irresponsible criminals and thugs are preparing Russia for defeat, disgrace and enslavement.”



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